1982-2014: The Soviets Did Not Save Galtieri, The Russians Will Not Save Rajoy

The decision by Spain's Rajoy administration to facilitate Russian naval operations in the Mediterranean and Atlantic by providing logistical support to the Russian Navy at Ceuta (right in front of Gibraltar) has shocked some, in particular given the mounting crisis between NATO and Russia. Furthermore, coming from a party founded by leading figures of the Franco regime, it may seem even more odd. After all the Spanish Government keeps paying public homage regularly to the Nazi Wermacht, while Russia is extremely sensitive to any attempt to revise her narrative of the Great Patriotic War (Second World War).

However, a look at history shows that it is not so unusual for Fascist, or neo-Fascist, regimes to have strange bed fellows when trying to confront British democracy. In 1982, following the Argentine invasion of the Falklands, the Junta received military aid from the Soviet Union, including satellite intelligence. This was despite Buenos Aires being considered to be a bastion of anti-communism. This was so much the case, that cooperation with Washington in Central America was one of the reasons why the Junta made the mistake of thinking that America would come on her side after the landings. When, despite General Haig's shuttle diplomacy and official neutrality, Washington came squarely in favor of Great Britain, providing key logistical support and some essential equipment like the air-to-air Stinger missile, those fantasies quickly gave way to a desperate attempt to get support from any quarter. Ideology was quickly tossed aside in the name of real politik.

Something similar may be happening in Spain. Rajoy, who like Galtieri and his successors, has never renounced to use force to conquer what he believes is his property, namely Gibraltar, regardless of the wishes of the Rock's inhabitants, and who has the same approach towards Catalonia, was confident to secure American support. However, after US President Obama failed to speak out against Catalan independence at a joint meeting with the media present, and some White House high officials went as far as publicly suggesting that at the end of the day it was up to the Catalans to determine their future status, Rajoy may have concluded, just like Galtieri, that his only hope lied elsewhere. Prime Minister Cameron's public warning not to use force against Catalonia, and the people of Gibraltar's resolve to remain loyal citizens of Her Majesty the Queen, can only have reinforced Rajoy's feeling that the West could not be relied on when it came to crushing a people's will by force.

When we take all this into consideration, what may seem at first surprising, ceases to seem so. There is nothing strange with two semi-democratic regimes cooperating in the naval sphere. What would be strange would be to see a neo-Fascist like Rajoy work side by side with democracies like the US and the UK. Birds of the same feather … 

The coming months will be harsh, for both Gibraltar and Catalonia, and we can expect growing tensions and even more incidents. However, there is nothing stronger than a heart where the flame of freedom burns, and it is no coincidence that the English and the Catalan Parliaments were the first in the world. Soviet help did not save Galtieri, and Russian assistance will not save Rajoy. Democracy will win in the Western Mediterranean, just like it triumphed in the South Atlantic.

Alex Calvo is an expert on security and defence in Asia

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The legacy of Salvador Dalí

Guillaume Apollinaire coined the term “Surrealism” in 1917. Thereafter, it became a word used often by great artists such as André Breton, Paul Éluard, and other contributors to the Surrealist magazine “Littérature”.

The authors of “Littérature” paid close attention to the outlandish genres and avant-garde experiments of the time, focusing their interest on magic, dreams, and the absurd. They claimed that one product of human thought was “pure psychic automatism”: the idea that in a state where dreams and sleep have complete supremacy, free associations and the arbitrary interplay of ideas will weave themselves together into a higher reality.

Before long, they had discovered a new poetics, a profound, romantic reflection on the imagination. The greatest advocates of abstract surrealism and figurative realism were the Catalans Joan Miró and Salvador Dalí, respectively.

Salvador Dalí was an excellent and technically precise draftsman, and used brilliant and luminous color to represent objects, landscapes, and people with a near-photographic realism. He represented all of his obsessions in his work, such as his predilection for repetition as well as mixing human and monstrous elements together. He reflected upon his obsessions in vast, expansive spaces.

Dalí defined the so-called “paranoiac-critical method” as a spontaneous system based on irrational thought and delirium. Much like the intellectual Narcís Monturiol, the poet Fages de Climent, and the pharmacist Alexandre Deulofeu, Dalí did not fit into the most orthodox of molds. But the brilliant Dalí took his extravagance to the extreme and converted it into a substantial part of the “attrezzo” with which he earned his living.

This eclectic Catalan artist, simply put, was a daring, imaginative, and eccentric megalomaniac, who could take in all of his surroundings and turn them into something beastly.

This great artist left us with an extensive legacy: his personal symbolic universe. They include: Melting clocks that re-interpret the theory of relativity; Bernini-inspired elephants that take phantasmagorical and phallic forms; Eggs that recall intrauterine life and become symbols of hope and love; Ants that symbolize death, corruption, and sexual fervor associated with carnal egotism; and Lobsters that symbolize decadence and Dalí’s own fears.

Without a doubt, Dalí, thought to be the greatest and most universal Catalan painter of all time, was also a Catalan who (like the poet Josep Pla) never denied his Spanish side: He was pro-monarchic and even left his bequest to the Spanish state. In Dalí’s case, no one can forget that he was an anarchist during a part of his life yet also had ties to the Franco regime. At the same time, he never stopped showing a great displeasure toward the same regime that murdered his great friend, the poet Federico García Lorca. 

These opposing actions show how Dalí had reservations about living out his own way of life, and how he saw this so-called opposition as two sides of the same coin. It is as if the evocations coming from his own world were powered by the haphazardness of the wind.

Even so, Dalí always felt very Catalan, and loved the land, its gastronomy, its people, and especially the fishermen of the Empordà region. We can find that his work is full of references to the land where he grew up, such as Cap de Creus and the beaches of Roses. The Empordà is reflected in works such as “The Madonna of Port Lligat”, “The Basket of Bread”, “The Great Masturbator”, “Rhinocerotic Figure of Phidias’ ‘Illisos’”, “The Persistence of Memory”, and “The Festival at the Hermitage”.

Dalí’s anarchism and Catalan roots show in his work, which reached universal significance. In looking closely at his work, we see that it breathes Catalan-ness, irony, impulse, and sincerity, all with the stamp of Salvador Dalí, artist of himself and lover of Gala.

Read this article in Italian

MO Balletbó

@salmaldonart 

Other articles by this author:

With Tàpies catalanity
Gaudí, the most original Catalan architect

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Midcat Natural Gas Pipeline a reminder of Catalonia's key Strategic location: Spain has no alternative but to negotiate

Reality has a nasty habit of contradicting Spanish threats and intoxications. Insisting in their refusing to negotiate with Catalonia, Spanish officials and politicians insist that Catalonia will be excluded from the EU, forgetting that it is them that run that risk. A simple look at the map shows that Spaniards better behave and immediately recognize Catalonia, else their EU-bound lorries may suffer some unfortunate delays while being inspected by Catalan border authorities. Sorry about that, no harm intended, but border queues are sometimes inevitable and can take longer than expected. Madrid could have a taste of her own medicine, the same medicine she has been using against the Rock. Of course, nothing of the kind is really going to happen, simply because thanks to geography Spain needs Catalonia more than Catalonia needs Spain. As if overland trade with the EU did not suffice to make this clear, the Crimean crises and the corresponding policy proposals for the Old Continent to diversify natural gas supplies have led to renewed calls to build the Midcat natural gas pipeline from Spain to France through guess whom … yes, that's right, through Catalonia. Sorry, no prize for those who guessed, the name of the pipeline gave it away really. 

The Midcat pipeline is thus yet another reminder of who commands a blocking position against whom, and should ideally serve to deliver a healthy dose of realism to Spanish nationalists who have repeated their own lies so many times that they have come to believe them themselves. Sooner or later, threats must give way to serious negotiations on post-independence economic cooperation, including a split of Spanish assets and liabilities (including military assets). If Madrid persists in her ways, she will be stuck with her huge national debt. Again, this is no threat, it will of course not happen because international creditors and the EU will force Spain to swallow her pride since their own taxpayers are already fed up and not ready to stomach another Spanish bailout, the only credible alternative to a deal with Catalonia, as already warned by Swiss bank UBS.

Alex Calvo, an expert in Asian security and defence, is guest professor at Nagoya University (Japan)

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Catalan independence movement gathers pace

BARCELONA, April 27 — Romance was in the air in my home town of Barcelona on Wednesday, when the locals celebrated Sant Jordi’s Day — Catalonia’s patron saint St George — in the traditional manner of men buying a rose for women, who reciprocated with the gift of a book for their menfolk.

The day serves as a Catalan equivalent of Valentine’s Day, and on a bright and sunny Wednesday afternoon, strolling down the tree-lined avenue of Passeig De Gracia, with impromptu one-day-only book and flower stalls cramming the pavements, was a festive experience.

However, a little below the surface there lurks a far less benevolent sentiment in the hearts of many residents, whose calls for independence from Spain are gathering momentum all the time.

Away from Spain, few people are particularly aware of the Catalan independence issue. For the vast majority of outsiders, Barcelona and its surrounding countryside, tucked in behind the Pyrenees mountain range, is the north-eastern corner of Spain — as simple as that.

Locally, though, you will hear a very different story. The majority of Catalans do not regard themselves as Spanish at all, pointing to their separate language and their strong sense of history and culture — with the rose and book-giving traditions of Sant Jordi’s Day, which does not take place in any other parts of Spain, a fine example.

Indeed, the feelings of many natives were summed up on Wednesday by one of the most high-profile supporters of Catalan independence — and a potential future president of the state, if such a position ever becomes available.

Pep Guardiola is a former football Barcelona player and manager who is now in charge of European champions Bayern Munich. By coincidence, his team happened to be playing away to Real Madrid on Sant Jordi’s Day, prompting an unsuspecting German journalist how he felt to be “back home” in Spain.

Guardiola’s reply was simple but succinct: “Catalonia is my home, and it is not Spain.”

One of the main arguments in favour of independence is the Catalan language, which is entirely distinct from Castilian Spanish rather than just a dialect, as many people initially believe.

Catalan is one of four existing “Romance” languages to have derived from Latin, along with French, Italian and, yes, Castilian Spanish.

Catalan’s use throughout the province is ubiquitous, even in the tourist-friendly capital Barcelona, where all administrative paperwork is conducted in the local language and, for example, it is also the first listed in restaurant menus; visitors looking for the famous local side dish of bread with tomatoes may be surprised to see “Pa Amb Tomaquet” rather than the

Castilian version of “Pan Con Tomate”.

Appeals for independence are nothing new. Historically, in fact, Catalonia was an entirely distinct nation for many centuries, enjoying great wealth due to its vast naval power and control over Mediterranean trade routes. For a brief time, its expanse even stretched as far as Italy and Greece, and some parts of modern-day southern France still regard themselves as Catalan.

People cast mock ballots on Catalonia’s secession plan during Sant Jordi’s day in Barcelona April 23, 2014. Spain’s recent economic slump has renewed Catalonians’ agitation for independence. — Picture by Reuters

Catalonia’s status was gradually eroded due to a series of inter-marriages between Europe’s royal families, and independence was lost for good in 1714 when Barcelona was besieged and defeated in the War of the Spanish Succession.

Since then, Catalonia has officially been part of Spain — sometimes more begrudgingly than others. The most bitterly contested period was during and after the Spanish Civil War, which was eventually won by General Franco whose republican zeal led him to ban the public use of the

Catalan language and heavily suppress any expression of Catalan identity.

Since his death in 1975, however, the Catalan culture has reasserted itself, with the latest peak in patriotic sentiment provoked largely by the financial crisis endured by Spain in the last five years.

The catalyst is the fact that Catalonia, with its tourism and industry, generates a lot more revenue and, therefore, pays a lot more taxes than other parts of Spain, leading Catalans to feel aggrieved that they are effectively subsidising the failing parts of the country.

The most visible appeals for independence are launched via Catalonia’s most successful and most famous export: Barcelona’s football club.

Fans (of the team and of independence) use home games — especially against Real Madrid — as an opportunity to state their case in front of the watching world, while pro-independence chants sweep around the stadium after 17 minutes and 14 seconds of every half of every game, referencing 1714, the year of annexation to Spain.

Despite the popular support, independence remains a long way off. The Spanish government is firmly opposed to the move, fearing the break-up of Spain (the Basque region, for one, could follow suit if Catalonia is successful) and the loss of vital revenue. Considering that opposition, it was no surprise when Spanish politicians rejected with a huge majority an official Catalan appeal to hold a referendum on the subject. Undeterred, Catalan officials are determined to push ahead with a vote later this year, which will now be called a “consultation” rather than a “referendum” to avoid provoking Madrid’s ire with an unconstitutional act.

Ultimately, though, the independence movement will probably prevail. For many Catalans, celebrating their own patron saint, speaking their own language and cheering on their own football team just isn’t enough: they want their own country.

@andywest01

First published in The Malay Mail on Sunday 27 April

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Debate “Building”: Catalonia and the European Union

“Today the negotiations of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) between the European Union and Kosovo will start in Pristina. The SAA will represent the first comprehensive contractual relationship between Kosovo and the EU and an important milestone in Kosovo's European integration process. After the Commission considered last April that Kosovo had met all the short-term priorities identified in the 2012 Feasibility study (in the areas of rule of law, public administration, protection of minorities and trade), the Council decided in June 2013 to authorise the opening of negotiations on an SAA.” (EU starts the Stabilisation and Association Agreement negotiations with Kosovo, Press Releases Database, European Commission, 28 October 2013)

In this way the European Commission announced the start of negotiations with the representatives of Kosovo, with a view to reaching a bilateral Stabilisation and Association Agreement, a necessary prelude to becoming a formal candidate for entry into the EU (European Union).  The refusal to establish talks with the Balkan country by five member states (Greece, Cyprus, Slovakia, Romania and Spain) had been overcome by means of a singular decision made by the European Council. The agreement with the new sovereign State, recognised by 23 of the 28 member countries, would relate only to the EU in its areas of exclusive competence and not to individual member states. This is an example of great pragmatic versatility in order to make possible the continued widening and deepening of the European programme. Just a year earlier the international and Catalan press had announced the imminence of talks.  La Vanguardia of 10 October 2012 declared:

“The European Commission wants to start negotiating the pre-accession of Kosovo, in spite of the refusal of Spain to recognise its independence and in spite of the obstacles it puts in the way of rapprochement with Brussels. This Wednesday, in spite of Spanish pressure, the European Commission has maintained that Kosovo has now initiated the “stable legal and institutional framework necessary to start to negotiate” its pre-admission to the club.”

The stubborn determination with which the European project advances, overcoming all kinds of conflicts and set-backs, owes much to the pragmatism which pervades the decisions taken by its members. There are many examples of this. Greenland leaving the European community following the decision of its citizens in a referendum in 1982 is a typical example. The agreement was a creative way for Greenland to leave but also consistent with the interests of both parties. The island was granted the status of an overseas associated territory under Danish administration. In this way it continued to qualify for financial aid but its fishing industry was not vetoed by the single European market.  Some years later, in 1990, the Council again demonstrated its clear capacity for flexibility, when it made possible the incorporation of East Germany (108,000 square kilometres and 16 million inhabitants) without any modification to existing treaties.  Again in 2004, Cyprus, an island divided into two legitimate nationalities, became a member of the EU thanks to a unique approach. EU law will not apply to the Turkish part of the island, without affecting in any way the personal rights of the inhabitants of this territory.

Experience shows that, ever since the Treaty of Rome came into force in January 1958, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC), there has been no problem that the European impulse has been unable to solve. The Catalan case presents a supposition not expressly anticipated in either European or international law. As a result there is very great room for manoeuvre. But, in the opinion of the CATN (the Assessment Council for National Transition), it won’t be considerations of a legal character that determine the future of an independent Catalan state but rather political and economic ones. In their recently released report on “Paths for Catalonia's integration in the European Union” this consultative body states:

“Everything seems to indicate that an independent Catalan state could, if it wanted, join the EU on a relatively brief time-scale. The dilemma, in fact, is not whether or not Catalonia will ever come to form part of the EU, but when and how I will do so” (p. 36-37)

And it is precisely this issue that Sobirania i Justícia wants to address on Thursday 15 May at 19.00h in the Blanquerna Auditorium of the Faculty of Communications of URL (University of Ramon Lull)), with contributions from: the political scientist, Kai-Olaf Lang, Head of the Research Division EU Integration of the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, based in Berlin; Francina Esteve, professor of International Public Law and EU Law at the University of Girona and member of the CATN and Joan Vallvé, former Euro MP (1994-9 and 2002-4).

These participants in the Round Table will speak Catalan or English with a simultaneous translation available. Thanks to the generosity of El Singular Digital, those people unable to be present physically will have the option of following the debate on computer via live streaming on the web www.elsingular.cat, We are also indebted to the Faculty of Communication Blanquerna of the URL for their generosity in offering us the use of such a splendid installation.

We look forward to receiving your inscriptions for the conference at europa@sij.cat. Admission is free.

By Isabel-Helena Martí, President of Sobirania i Justícia (Sovereignty and Justice) 

@IsabelHMarti

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Should Catalonia Join The EU?

Would it be a good idea for Catalonia to join the European Union upon achieving independence? And; would it be able to if it wanted to?

Before I begin, I want to clarify my position: The choice on whether or not to seek membership in the EU belongs to the Catalans – I (as a non-citizen) am not trying to make this choice for you. This article merely seeks to outline the advantages and disadvantages associated with each option.

First, let’s analyze the “default” position: Catalonia joins the European Union. There are plenty of arguments in favor of this position – first of all, it makes intuitive sense for Catalonia to stay in the EU seeing as how Catalonia, being a part of Spain, is already a member of the Union. Catalan regulations are already in line with European regulations, and so there won’t be any complicated political process necessary to adjust the regulatory framework (a grueling process more recent members of the EU from Eastern Europe has had to go through). 

Secondly, since Catalonia is already part of the EU, businesses may feel safer with Catalonia staying that way after independence. Independence in itself is bound to create some instability (that’s just what happens when new states are formed), and Catalonia leaving the EU would lead to even greater instability and could in a worst case scenario make investors less prone to invest in Catalonia. Needless to say, this could prove disastrous to Catalonia’s already frail economy. There is also the issue of having to abandon the Euro and issue a new currency: Issuing a new currency and getting the markets to trust it is no child’s game by any means. A lot of exchange rate volatility can be expected initially, and unless the Catalan government can gain the market’s trust within a reasonable timeframe, there could be bank runs leading to financial collapse.

So far, this looks quite convincing. However, let’s take a look at the other side of the coin: Why might an independent Catalonia want to stay outside the EU? 

Starting with the economics, an independent Catalonia would not be burdened by regulation from the European Union, reducing the cost of doing business. It would also be free to negotiate its own trade agreements based on its own unique situation, rather than being forced into one-size-fits-all agreements negotiated by the European Union and by extension by the powerful countries in the European Union (such as Germany and France). 

While going without the euro would be a risky move initially, I believe that in the long run it is better for Catalonia to stay out. This is for two reasons: First of all, I do not believe the Eurozone has a future. While it is unlikely to collapse in the immediate future, the only thing that is holding it together is political determination from the powers that be – that is, from the President of the ECB, as well as the leaders of Germany and to a lesser extent the other Eurozone countries in northern Europe. The Eurozone hasn’t survived because it offers any economic benefits (it doesn’t); it has survived because the responsible politicians haven’t allowed it to fail. However, this can’t last forever: The way the Eurozone is currently built, some countries will always be in a crisis or in a bubble, due to the ECB interest rate being too low or too high for that country. Yes, the bailouts are over for now – but due to the construction flaws that were committed when the Eurozone was created, we can be certain that they will be back soon, and with a vengeance. There just isn’t one single interest rate that fits the entire European continent, and the countries for whom the interest rate fits (usually Germany) will have to subsidize – bail out – the countries for whom it doesn’t fit (usually that’ll be southern Europe) every few years. Even if, by luck, the ECB interest rate would happen to fit Catalonia’s needs, that would only mean that Catalonia’s economy will boom at the expense of the economies for which the interest rate doesn’t fit, and when crisis strikes these countries, Catalonia will be expected to contribute towards bailing them out the way Germany has done in recent years.

However, that scenario is of purely academic character: The interest rate set by ECB will never in reality be a good fit for a country like Spain OR Catalonia. It comes down to who has the most influence in the European Central Bank, and that’s Germany and France. The economies of these countries are out of sync with the economies of southern Europe, which makes sense since southern Europe relies more on agriculture and tourism than Germany and France which rely on industries and on the service sector to a greater extent. There are no signs of these economies becoming more closely integrated – that’s what they were hoping for when the Eurozone was created in case you were wondering – instead, they actually seem to be sliding apart even further.

Another benefit of being outside the Eurozone is that Catalonia could finally get an appropriately valued currency. Of course, creating a currency from scratch is, as I mentioned above, not in any way easy – but given the very uncertain and most likely dark future of the southern Eurozone countries, this is still the better option. A new currency would be much weaker than the euro and have a higher rate of inflation, which will help tourism – indeed, I wonder how many people will prefer Malaga to Barcelona if Malaga is twice as expensive (as it would be)? It’s hard to predict of course, but it’s notable that Greece has lost a lot of tourists since joining the euro, because Turkey (which is right next door) is now so much cheaper. 

Finally, there are ideological reasons to oppose membership in the European Union. The EU is a supranational union which infringes on the independence of its member countries. Every year, the European Union becomes more powerful. More and more power is concentrated into the hands of unelected bureaucrats. Let’s not fool ourselves; this process is not going to be reversed. While the Eurozone crisis is often thought of as weakening the European Union, so far, it has actually had the opposite effect: The Eurozone crisis allowed unelected bureaucrats – troikas – appointed by (among others) the EU to control the fiscal policies of entire countries! And, with further integration being the only solution that is being promoted by the EU to prevent future crises, it is safe to say that the EU and the bureaucrats who control it are not going to be giving up any of their power anytime soon. It seems to me that it would be a waste if Catalonia, upon achieving independence from Madrid, immediately decides to give it away to Brussels.

This however does not mean that Catalonia should strive for isolation. Catalonia’s economy depends on exports and foreign investment – but there is no reason to believe that simply staying out of the EU would cause foreign investment to cease. The best option in my opinion is to have an arrangement similar to Switzerland or Norway: Catalonia remains a member of the European Economic Area (or, arranges bilateral free trade agreements), allowing for free trade with the rest of Europe, but without the massive political supranational union that comes with full EU membership. 

Finally, we have to ask ourselves: Is this discussion only academic in nature? It could be, given that Spain could in theory block Catalonia from membership of the European Union. Remember, it only takes the objection of one EU country to block Catalonia from joining. And, let’s not kid ourselves: If any country will object, it will be Spain. 

Logically, Spain shouldn’t try to block Catalonia’s membership. They trade a lot with Catalonia after all, so it would be their – and everyone else’s – loss. Really, there would be no winners from Spain managing to block Catalonia from joining the EU or the EEA. However, the fact that there is no rational basis to pursue a certain course of action has never prevented Partido Popular from pursuing that course of action in the past. 

First, PP, being irrational Spanish imperialists, may decide that blocking Catalonia from the European free trade area would be worth it: Sure, it will hurt Spain, but it will also hurt Catalonia – and no doubt PP will want revenge on the Catalans for escaping their empire.

If this happens, Catalonia in my opinion should retaliate by threatening to default on its share of the Spanish government debt – the European Union and in particular the ECB would hate for that to happen as it would most likely reignite the Eurozone crisis, and if the Spanish government doesn’t fold immediately, the pressure from the ECB will soon ensure that it does.

But secondly, even if PP isn’t intentionally trying to delay Catalonia’s EU/EEA membership, Catalonia will most likely have to spend some time outside the EU in the immediate aftermath of independence. This comes from the fact that the EU is a huge, slow bureaucratic machine which rarely does things in a speedily manner; this goes not only for membership applications but for just about everything. Therefore, the day after Catalonia votes for independence, the Catalan government must begin negotiations with the EU not only regarding membership (in the EU or EEA), but also regarding temporary trade agreements that would take effect on independence day and last until Catalonia becomes a member of either the EU or the EEA (or another permanent arrangement is made).

Once again, this issue is for the people of Catalonia to resolve; I am merely offering my opinion the way I see it as an outsider. Thank you for reading.

John Gustavsson
@nationstatist

Previous articles from the same author:
In Spain, Fascism Is The New Black
Secession: Catalonia And The “Bad Precedent” Argument
Catalonia, The EU, And The Spanish Suicide Bomber

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Free or Dead

It was August 2009 when we discovered the character of Ermengol Amill, one of the completely forgotten Catalan national heroes. Therefore we felt like we had the moral obligation to create a biopic in order to internationalize the Catalan conflict. A film is the fastest, the most convincing as well as the most efficient way to help overseas citizens understanding the origin of our main national conflict and, much more, to make them come to understand why now Catalans have started their march to independence. We have just managed to write a novel. It has became a bestseller in Catalonia, being in the TOP 10 most sold books since its first publication in September 2012, as well reaching five editions in just five months—so we will persist in the film.   

Films like Braveheart in Scotland, Michael Collins in Ireland, or The Patriot in the United States, have helped their nations to stand up for themselves and let the whole world understand their wishes for freedom. From the entertainment and mass culture point of view, as well as a historical and documental review, we thought that this sort of production could turn out as a great cultural and commercial product that would catch the attention all around the world.

Free or dead not only explains what the War for Spanish Succession really meant for Catalans and it lets us understand the magnitude of this war, considered by historians as the first world war. The War of Succession was a conflict incited by the English Crown who provoked Catalans into rising up against King Phillip V of the Bourbon, as well as quashed them down when Lord Bolingbroke announced in the middle of the board of negotiation of the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713  that defending the rights of the Catalan people was no longer in the interest of England. This treaty radically changed the geopolitics of Europe and America by utilizing the Catalan nation.

The English betrayal that lead to Catalonia's ultimate defeat in 1714 generated a political strifle between the conservatives (Tories) and the liberals (Whigs) in the British Parliament, known as the Case of the Catalans, which left behind feelings of guilt in part of English society, as the pamphlets of the period show, like The Deplorable History of the Catalans,  or as the words that a few centuries later were pronounced by former first minister Winston Churchill: “With kind diplomatic words they were delivered (The Catalans) in revenge to the winner side Spain.”

Therefore the relation between England and Catalonia needed and explanation in order to understand that when there are no friends but just interests, freedom is the price. Soon it will be three centuries since the Catalan nation has been paying that price up to the highest. A lesson that we wanted to point out in our novel Free or dead, a title that evokes one of the slogans written down on the black flags displayed above the walls of Barcelona in 1714.

Let’s hope one day we can see the defense of freedom that Free or dead represents in the big screen, and translated into as many languages as possible. Nothing would make us happier than this.

David de Montserrat @davidmontserrat                                                Jaume Clotet @jaumeclotet

First published at HC on January 17th, 2013

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Day One

With an insistence that I find increasingly aggravating, an EU spokesman has yet again repeated the stale claim that "a new state would become, by dint of its independence, a third country with respect to the EU and the Treaties of the Union would not apply from day one of its independence”. Such a statement disqualifies the Commission's similarly repeated statement that it will only state its position at the request of a member state, in the light of a specific set of circumstances. 

Moreover, the very statement throws a wide range of unknown variables into limbo. For a start, it takes for granted that the EU, which has not in the past displayed any admirable ability to make sudden decisions affecting millions of European citizens overnight, will have the capacity to do so should Catalonia declare its independence from Spain. 

Far from it. Could the EU decide to lop off part of an existing member State before its Members have gone through the formality of actually recognizing the new independent country? Could it decide anything, given the unanimity required in such matters, until the affected member State - that has up to now dragged its feet over the whole issue of the Catalans' right to decide their own future - has been nudged into acknowledging the new independent State (by reminders about Spain's sovereign debt obligations, for instance)?

And where are the precedents? The Treaties of the Union that Commission officials are so prone to quote say absolutely nothing about internal secessions. Indeed, the only comparable cases hardly give credence to their apparent position. When Algeria became independent it didn't cease to be in the EEC till over a year later. And when Greenland decided to leave, the negotiations, to my knowledge, lasted several years. No Day One in either case.

Nor do these spokespersons fill us in on the border posts that, presumably, the EU Treaties would force France and Spain to set up on Day One, and the trade tariffs that would have to be charged at these borders, and at ports and airports, from Day One. Are they really saying that German cars being transported to, say, Valencia, to be shipped to Hong Kong, will have to pay tariffs for their passage through this "third country"...on Day One?

Would EU member States require people wishing to enter and leave Catalonia to show their passports at customs on Day One, if Catalonia is thrown out of Schengen (another supposition)?

And are we to supposed that Spain, with 7.5 million fewer inhabitants on Day One, will automatically have its cohesion funds revalued, the number of its MEPs automatically reduced, and the number of its representatives in the Commitee of Regions automatically recalculated? Can't we expect the Commission to be a little more serious when talking about Day One?

There are so many things that simply do not happen automatically overnight, that in the context of what is above all a pragmatic organization, the Commission's statements seem much easier to understand if they are seen as coming at the behest of Spain's active diplomacy, engaged in an offensive to cower over seven million EU citizens into changing what right now is the will of a clear majority of Catalonia's electorate. 

That, dear reader, is a role that the Commission should never, never have allowed itself to play. It amounts to a gross, not to say grotesque, interference in the internal affairs of a member state. Such a role goes well beyond the stated functions of the Commission itself, and also pushes it down a slippery slope into contravening the democratic principles the Union itself is supposed to be built upon.

It is high time it stopped being bullied and took a neutral, respectful stance, for seven million committed Europeans might get second thoughts about the advantages of a Union which, right now, is certainly not wooing them to stay inside it.

Professor Miquel Strubell

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Catalonia from Switzerland

When writing this speech in French before having it translated into English, a language I am not that fluent in, I asked myself two questions:

a)   Would it be right or fair of me to voice opinions here in person in this forum at Utrecht about the Catalonia issue?

b)   How might Switzerland be interested in understanding what the realities are in Catalonia today and could Switzerland’s past and neutrality have something to add to the debate?

It is self-evident that the Catalan origins have something to do with me being here before you today. Over ten years ago, initially through the history of the Barcelona soccer club, I became interested in Barcelona, the city, its history and the history of Catalonia. As for my wife, who cannot stand football, she understood even more clearly the importance of Catalonia’s history through the history of Barcelona’s famous soccer club. The history of Barça is written large in Catalonia’s past. Barça’s past has similarities with Switzerland’s past too. Indeed, Switzerland knows much more about Barça’s past than Catalonia’s. That’s simply because one of the founders of Barça was Swiss, a Swiss-German speaking the local dialect called Hans Gamper whose daughter still lives in the French-speaking region of Switzerland at Nyon. Hans Gamper, known as Joan Gamper in Catalonia, scored a goal in the first ever Barcelona-Real Madrid El Clásico match on 13^th May 1902 which Barcelona won 3-1. This Swiss-German also campaigned for Catalonia’s independence, As a result, he was forced into exile. Despite his his enthusiasm for life, because of this exile, he had to suffer a huge depression. As condition for his return to Catalonia, he was obliged to promise not to get involved again with the club he had helped to found. He could not stand the unfairness of this and committed suicide in 1930. The La Vanguardia newspaper of 1^st August 1930 reported on the huge crowd that attended Joan Gamper’s funeral. Coincidentally, that also happens to be Switzerland’s National Day. General Franco vehemently objected to the decision to name Barcelona’s stadium after him. Gamper was a foreign national and a Protestant who had committed suicide, and who was a liberal and pro-Catalonian independence. And to add insult to injury in Franco’s eyes, he had changed his Swiss-German first name from Hans to the Catalan Joan. For the Franco regime, Joan Gamper was taboo.

I fervently believe the issue of Catalonia itself must not be treated as a taboo subject neither for Europe nor for Switzerland. Judging by the reactions of Madrid, it is safe to say the Spanish authorities would prefer it if the Catalonia issue were taboo. However, the role of those who want democracy and citizens’ right of free speech to prevail is to do their utmost to ensure these democracy and individuals’ rights of free expression are not just voiced, but real action taken.

The Swiss Federal Charter is considered to have existed since 1291. For historians, unlike the politicians and the general public, it has been clear for some considerable time that the founding of the nation of Switzerland cannot be dated back to the Middle Ages. That is an invention born out of the need to wipe from the memories the troubles of the Sonderbund civil war in the mid-19th century which briefly saw catholic and conservative cantons, including my canton of birth, Valais, clashing with radical, protestant and progressive cantons. Nurturing this myth was vital for the birth of the Swiss nation-state.

The first Swiss Federal Constitution dates back to 1848, but, in effect, what really underpin Swiss constitutional law are the right of referendum, which did not come until 1874, and the right to the popular initiative, introduced in 1891. In 1891, the Swiss celebrated for the very first time, six hundred years on, the original charter dated 1^st August 1291. It is easy to see that Switzerland, like Catalonia, is keen on marking those symbolic numbers and dates. It is also clear from this that the establishment of Switzerland as a nation-state does not go that far back in time.

Today, Switzerland’s population is just over 8 million. Under the Federal Constitution, 100,000 Swiss citizens can request complete or partial amendment to the Constitution by submitting a popular initiative. Moreover, Federal legislation and international treaties can be submitted for popular vote, through an optional referendum if 50,000 citizens ask for it. That is what is called direct or semi-direct democracy in Switzerland.

In recognition of Switzerland’s traditions and reputation for diplomacy and mediation, the Palais des Nations was built in Geneva from 1929 to 1936. It is decorated with superb frescoes by the Catalan artist José Maria Sert. These portray the idea of international brotherhood.

Switzerland’s domestic constitutional past and my country’s ability over time to act as an accomplished mediator on the international stage seem to provide, in my view, sound guarantees that Switzerland will not duck the whole debate about Catalonia. I was one of the first in Switzerland to declare that Switzerland should strive to understand what is really at stake in Catalonia and to be involved one day perhaps in its journey to independence. We all know this process of gaining independence will not be exclusively driven domestically, but will also have to be resolved beyond the borders of both Spain and Catalonia.

Switzerland itself had to cope with a process of independence inside its own country. The long path ended on 24 September 1978 when the 26^th canton of the Confederation, Jura, was created. Obviously, the creation of a new canton inside a Federal state cannot be compared constitutionally with Catalonia’s desire for an opportunity to vote on becoming an independent state. Nevertheless, I think we can compare the wishes of the Jura inhabitants no longer to form a part of the canton of Berne with the desires of the Catalonians no longer to be part of Spain. It should be remembered that the canton of Berne in the end agreed to conduct a series of popular votes to ascertain what the people of the Jura region really wanted. Those popular votes ended up with the canton of Jura being set up.

The questions to be put to the Catalan people on 9 November 2014 must be equated to that of a popular vote or plebiscite. If we were to make a comparison with Swiss constitutional law, I would say that we are talking more about the rights and law associated with popular initiatives rather than the referendum. That comparison may be splitting hairs somewhat as, in formal terms, the Spanish constitution does not make provision for any right to have a popular vote based on a popular initiative.

When referring to a region in Eastern Europe, Switzerland’s President, Mr Didier Burkhalter recently commented very clearly that, if the people do have to be consulted on an issue about the status of autonomy, it is something that has to be managed carefully. He was specifically referring to the wish to extend the autonomy of a region. In his opinion, it was up to the region to decide on its future. If we paraphrase him, I would say it is up to Catalonia to decide on its future.

This right for Catalonia to follow the path of its independence is, in my view, clearly enshrined in the right to self-determination, the right of people to make decisions for themselves. This right is broadly stated in the United Nations Charter and in the two 1966 international covenants on human rights. The right to self-determination is regarded as a basic human right in international law.

Spain will object to this argument as its constitution prohibits any such split. I would simply remark that, to my knowledge, the introduction of the Statuts of Autonomy recognizes Catalonia as a nation. By virtue of the principle of the primacy of a higher-ranking right, the principle of self-determination of peoples as laid down in international law ranks above Spanish domestic law.

That said, when putting this argument forward, I am not overlooking the fact that laws are only instruments of power, rarely of justice. As a result, all the approaches made by Spain’s leaders to international authorities, neighboring countries, the European Union, its friends and allies, in far-flung corners of the world, will underpin the legal position and reinforce Catalonia’s right of self-determination and eventually persuade Spain, through the power of justice and the principle of self-determination, to negotiate financially Catalonia’s exit.

Failure to talk about the role of the language today would be a mistake, indeed a serious shortcoming. You are probably all aware that, on 9 February 2014, Switzerland voted against mass immigration. This choice made by Swiss voters, by a very slender majority of 50.3%, was widely interpreted throughout Europe as a vote against foreigners. However this is a simple view of the matter. Although the factor of an expanding non-Swiss population in the country obviously did play a part in the electoral decision made by the Swiss people, it should be remembered that the traditional stances of the conservative parties struck a chord with another phenomenon, the large number of Germans living in Switzerland. Germans make up the biggest proportion of foreigners in Switzerland. Moreover, in spring 2013, Germany figured on the list of countries on which the Federal Council had activated an exceptional clause for restricting the free movement of people. This German presence in reality raises a basic cultural issue, the question of language. There is a typically Swiss inferiority complex with regard to speakers of a language that is not really their own. The clash between the pure version of German, ‘Hochdeutsch’, and the dialect of German spoken in the Swiss-German regions, ‘Schwyzerdütsch’, is key. The vote registered in Swiss-German areas, as many commentators have pointed out, harks back to that pact of 1291 and fears about Swiss identity purely and simply disappearing.

I believe that, if there is one country that can understand the position of the German-speaking regions of Switzerland as regards the importance to be given to the language used, it is indeed Catalonia. Respect for the identity of a people is rooted essentially in respect for the language they speak and use.

When almost 80% of the population or of a nation want to vote to determine their futures, Europe and Switzerland, by their common past, their personal histories, their separate histories, cannot really refuse the Catalan people a vote to determine what they want. If they did, they would be denying them their fundamental values, their belief that citizens have the right to choose, that citizens have the right to design their own institutions, that citizens have the right to appoint their leaders and representatives, that citizens have the right to alter the course of their history.

These are the values, the values of freedom and solidarity, which give the right to any citizen of the world, be they Swiss and neutral, from Valais and socialist, to declare here in Utrecht that common sense and justice must direct us to allow Catalonia to relish, in peace, calm and harmony, that historical day to come on 9 November 2014.

Stéphane Riand

Socialist Party Member of the General Council (Sion, Switzerland)

Utrecht, April 8th, 2014

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